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Archives: July 2008
UPDATES from Latin America Working Group
July 30, 2008
Dangerous Directions: Military Aid to Mexico
The brutal violence associated with drug trafficking paired with authorities' apparent lack of capacity and political will to effectively confront organized crime has taken a profound toll on public security in Mexico in recent years. More than 5,000 people have been killed in drug-related violence since President Calderón took office in December 2006. Despite these challenging times, it is critical that drug violence not serve as an excuse for increased abuses by Mexico's military and police. Read more here. http://lawg.org/countries/mexico/dangerous_directions.htm
Cuba: A Step in the Right Direction
After years without any positive change in U.S. policy toward Cuba, the House Appropriations Committee recently demonstrated support for alleviating the inhumane restrictions on trade and travel to the island. On June 25th, the committee passed the Financial Services Appropriations bill with a provision that will ease travel for Cuban Americans who want to travel to the island to visit family. Read more here. http://lawg.org/countries/cuba/financial_services_approps.htm
Beyond the Rhetoric: Report from Venezuela
"What can we as Americans do?" This question was asked by our delegates more than once during our 12 days with Witness for Peace in Venezuela. "Tell your government to leave us alone!" was a typical response from the Venezuelans we encountered. Understanding what that means is not so easy. Read more here. http://lawg.org/countries/venezuela/beyond_the_rhetoric.htm
Mexico: Bordering on Disaster
There is little doubt that fencing constructed along the United States' border with Mexico divides communities. Fencing has also contributed to a tragic increase in migrant deaths as people desperate for a better life are pushed to cross in increasingly remote stretches of desert. Yet it is not only human communities that are affected by the United States' current security strategy. Read more here. http://lawg.org/countries/mexico/bordering_on_disaster.htm
Tohono O'odham Activist Speaks Out
With communities spanning the Arizona-Sonora border, the Tohono O'odham nation has been directly impacted by the surge of border enforcement operations and divided, literally, by border fence construction. In February 2008, a group of Tohono O'odham tribe members embarked on a six month trek across the United States - from Alcatraz Island to Washington, DC - to raise awareness about the harm caused by border fencing on their tribal lands. Read more here. http://lawg.org/countries/mexico/tohono_activist.htm
Colombia: The Other Half of the Truth
On February 4, 2008, Colombians marched in the millions in a powerful rejection of violence by the FARC guerrillas. It was an inspirational, authentic cry by Colombians weary of the horrific guerrilla tactics, and a show of solidarity for the suffering of the many Colombians held for years as captives of the FARC. For many of the victims of paramilitary violence, however, the march's enormous scale raised the question of why the same Colombian society that stood so united behind the victims of the FARC would fail to stand behind them. Read more here.
http://lawg.org/countries/colombia/other_half_advocate.htm
To order a copy of The Other Half of the Truth, a new LAWGEF publication, visit http://www.lawg.org/misc/Publications.htm
LAWG Celebrates Freeing of Hostages
On July 2, Ingrid Betancourt, a former presidential candidate and mother of two, three American contractors - Marc Gonsalves, Keith Stansell and Thomas Howes - and eleven Colombian police and soldiers were freed after suffering many years as captives of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Like so many in Colombia and around the world, we at the Latin America Working Group were overjoyed to learn of their release. Read more here. http://lawg.org/countries/colombia/advocate_hostage_statement.htm
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IMMIGRATION: NO MORE DEATHS
Report from Pat Chaffee, OP
No More Deaths, July 2008
Maria sits near the end of the torn vinyl sofa, her eyes weary. She holds the glass of water I’ve given her. A small plastic bag with a few pieces of clothing rests at her feet. I ask her if she intends to attempt another crossing of the Arizona desert. Fear joins the weariness in her eyes. “I don’t want to,” she says. “It’s very dangerous.”
Maria does not describe the dangers she recalls from her walk along the migrant routes through the Sonora Desert. Maybe she narrowly escaped the bite of a coral snake or a Gila Monster. Maybe she saw one of her companions drop behind the group because of the blisters covering his feet, and she knew he would probably not survive. Maybe the water her group carried was nearly gone. Maybe she’d heard the story of the man from Zacatecas who searched the desert paths for the body of his 35-year-old daughter, and found it almost a month after she died.
I ask Maria, “So will you return to your home in Santa Cruz?” “I don’t know,” she says. “I am waiting for my husband.”
Maria’s husband may be with the next group of deported migrants dropped off by the Border Patrol at the Douglas, Arizona side of the Douglas/Agua Prieta border crossing. Like Maria, this group will walk across the border and find their way to the Migrant Resource Center, located next to the customs house in Agua Prieta. Or he may not be with this group, and Maria will continue to wait. I will wait with her.
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ANALYSIS: El Salvador Elections 2009
By the National Committee of the War Veterans' Sector of the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN)
El Salvador has entered a governance crisis the signs of which include the bare participation by the general public in the life of the nation. There is no attempt by the government to achieve consensus, or a will to reach agreement on public policy; and there is no tolerance of even a minimal participation by the citizenry in public affairs. Disillusion and scepticism are the predominant feelings amongst the general public. The country's institutional structures are weak and poorly developed. This impacts even upon political parties, which neither express nor channel popular demands and lack the capacity to play an intermediary role in the conflicts caused by the demands of different sectors of society.
Separation of powers exists only on paper -- the centralism of the executive power predominates. There are no oversight bodies, accountability systems or freedom of information, which has led to high levels of corruption. This has produced, in consequence, an erosion of the country's institutional structures and of democracy.
Poverty and inequality
The governance crisis is also founded in a lack of equality, which finds its expression in increased poverty, caused by economic and political imbalances. Rural life has collapsed. There is accelerated urbanisation, pressure on public services, employment and public safety; accelerated emigration. In the urban setting, employment opportunities are mostly absorbed by the informal sector, with the risks this entails for workers. Men predominate in regular employment and women in the informal sector and in maquiladora assembly plants, which means they are less protected. Schooling is low level and poorly funded, which does not favour the technological development required for an increase in productivity. Crime has worsened as a result of these inequalities. Law and order is a recurring public concern. A range of studies on the matter have produced recommendations for the development of public policies aimed at preventing, containing and addressing the situation, but the government has not shown much political will and its approach to the issue has been counterproductive and increased the problem to some degree.
Authoritarianism
As there has been no plan aimed at bringing about a lessening of social divisions, there has not been any democratisation of society and the state, but rather a greater concentration of power and greater authoritarianism. Inequality and authoritarianism have damaged the legitimacy of democracy and the political system. As socioeconomic conditions have worsened, people's demands upon the government have grown and governments usually resort to repressive measures to maintain the status quo, which is easy to do in an authoritarian society.
The country's viability requires the wealthy, the government and the social forces to arrive at minimal accords to reduce inequality. Accords have been the usual practice only amongst sectors with much in common, not with adversaries. Accords have been between the senior leadership of political parties, not with the sectors affected. The alliances proposed by previous governments as a governance and transparency tool were very soon forgotten. At present we have the practice of isolation, sociopolitical conflict, imposition, confrontation and polarisation instead of accords.
Democracy
Democracy is unsustainable with such large social divisions. Governance, to be consistent, should be accompanied by viable proposals and/or should close these gaps. Democracy cannot be built with institutional structures lacking in legitimacy. Democracy also requires active social participation in the government. This does not just mean good electoral results. It is related, as well, to the channelling of social demands, social, legal and legitimate control. The democratic sustainability of the country is nourished by the preparation of pacts or accords, public discussion of problems and the prevention of conflicts.
The National Committee of the War Veterans' Sector of the FMLN, 9ª Av. Norte No. 229 entre 1ª y 3ª Calle Poniente, San Salvador, El Salvador.
Mauricio Funes, the FMLN candidate for hope
Excerpt from Amanda Shank, Upside Down World, http://upsidedownworld.org/main/content/view/1282/1/
May 13, 2008 -- Mauricio Funes steps into the hotel surrounded by his campaign staff and supporters. Earlier in the afternoon in the hot Central Plaza of San Miguel, he was greeted with cheers, chants and fireworks by 8000 supporters donning FMLN red. Amid the excitement and exhaustion of El Salvador’s presidential campaign, where the FMLN has a strong possibility of breaking the right-wing ARENA party's 19-year grip on power, Funes searches the hotel lobby for his wife. Vanda Pignato checks her watch, 10pm, and suggests that they should order dinner from Wendy's. It's the only place open this late.
“Let's do this interview before dinner, Mauricio”, Vanda advises, “but change your shirt, first”. Energised by the day's successful events, Funes stops to think and admits that he could use a couple of minutes alone. He has already appeared at three public events, and held an afternoon press conference. With a packed agenda and plans to leave next week for Germany and then Brazil, he had to back out of a radio interview and turn down an invitation from a nearby community that had organised a welcome celebration.
After a ten-minute break in his room, Funes returns with a new shirt and invites me to take a seat at a nearby table in the hotel's outdoor restaurant. When I ask the first question, he speaks quickly and clearly, an ability that he has practiced and refined throughout 21 years of professional journalism and six months on the campaign trail.
Q: From the election of Hugo Chavez to the recent election of Paraguay's Fernando Lugo we’ve seen a leftward shift in Latin American countries. Where does the FMLN and your candidacy fit within this movement?
We are often asked, "Well, what type of left do you represent?’’, and I have said: “We represent the left of hope. We are a sensible left, a reasonable left, a left that is betting on change, a stable change. We are looking for a type of society that builds functioning institutions in El Salvador, a democracy that functions, a viable nation.
Given the current international context, we do not aspire to build socialism in El Salvador. What we hope to build is a more dynamic and competitive economy, placing ourselves in the international playing field in a highly globalised and competitive world. We hope to have a stronger and more dynamic economy than what has been built up until now. To do this we need the institutions that work, and for democracy to become a symbol that also exists in our country.
We do not need to be close to Chavez, close to Lula or close to Bush in order for our institutions and democracy to work. What we need is to build a model of public management that responds to the needs of Salvadorans and that will resolve Salvadoran problems.
We respect the process being followed in Venezuela, as well as we respect and closely watch the new society which Lula is building, and the one that the new President Fernando Lugo in Paraguay has promised to build.
Those processes are a response to other circumstances. What we hope to build are relationships based on cooperation and solidarity with the people represented by each one of these countries. However, we are not going to follow the same recipe or model that might have worked in other countries, but has nothing to do with our reality...
People's Government Program of Hope
1. Completely founded in human rights All public policy and government action will be built upon, and aimed at reaching, the greatest degree of effectiveness in human rights, to better meet the essential needs and aspirations of the Salvadorean people, the basis of the legitimation of democratic governance which will begin with the Social and Democratic Inclusiveness Program.
2. Informed by gender policy Despite struggles, women still suffer discrimination and exclusion from decision making. Thus, for the People's Government, the exercise of democracy begins precisely with widening the spaces which rightly belong to women as co-actors in the history, present and future of El Salvador.
3. Environmental rehabilitation The People’s Government immensely values all life forms in the Salvadorean-Middle American ecosystem.
4. Local level strengthening The inclusiveness model proposed by the new government stems from an understanding that El Salvador’s development will include local development and co-ordinated gearing-up of its municipalities and regions.
5. Independent Integration in Central America The new government is integrationist and will launch an initiative, involving all the country's social and economic forces willing to contribute to the deepening of Central American and Caribbean integration, from the standpoint of the real interests of the people of El Salvador and the country's economic strengths, as well of those of our sister peoples. This means seeking benefits for people; an increase in our domestic and regional capacities; the promotion of knowledge; scientific and technological innovation; social rights; and environmental sustainability.
FMLN War Veterans’ campaign for 2009 elections
We, FMLN war veterans, were the driving force behind the foundation of the FMLN on 10 October 1980, and in addition we were the only vanguard force in the Salvadorean left, forged in the popular struggles of our people and in urban and rural guerrilla warfare in the decade of the 1970s.
Our aim was to take political power through armed revolutionary struggle to bring about social transformation with a people's revolutionary government for the benefit of El Salvador's poor majorities. All non-violent and political roads to power had been closed off to us, roads which the Salvadorean people sought at the time, as shown in practice through the massive demonstrations of all sectors of our people which took place in the very centre of San Salvador, demanding political, economic and social changes, and which were responded to by the fascist dictatorship governments of the day, with killing and repression of students, workers, peasants and any social sector which mobilised and protested.
In 1972 and again in 1977, the political opposition of our Salvadorean people won the presidency through the ballot box and both times was shamefully robbed of victory by the right wing and the military. What we confronted was a military dictatorship under the direct political, military, economic, ideological and intelligence control of the US governments of the day. The right-wing in our own country was considered the most stubborn and murderous in Latin America. It made use of all the US was able to develop in terms of counterinsurgency warfare in order to defeat us, as they thought.
For 12 years we fought them with success, and we can therefore now say, with pride, that we, the War Veterans' Sector of the FMLN, are the moral and historic reserve stock of the FMLN Party, and as such we can and should transmit our experience to the Salvadorean people, together with all our militancy, as adapted, of course, to the current historical and political moment in El Salvador. As veterans we have every capacity to train contingents of new comrades who will join and strengthen the party, in political schools based upon revolutionary principles.
In other words, the FMLN is the party born of the people and which cost tens of thousands of deaths of heroes and martyrs of the Salvadorean people. Therefore, as war veterans we have both the duty and the right to keep on developing and strengthening it to make it capable of taking political power in 2009, which is what our dead dreamt of, those who fell in the course of our struggle in past decades.
The signing of the Peace Accords on January 16, 1992, closed off a chapter in our history as the FMLN and as the people of El Salvador. War came to an end, weapons were silenced. We and the government signed for peace, aware that peace was not only signed for on paper; the peace we signed for would have to be with dignity and social justice, that is, with benefits in education, health, housing, nutrition and other aspects for all the marginalised of our country. And above all with respect for the human rights of the people of El Salvador, a transformation of the legal system and an end to impunity in all areas of power.
We knew that we had not achieved political power, but that we had managed to dismantle the military dictatorship which had been deeply entrenched for over 100 years. We also knew that with the signing of the Peace Accords we had opened the way towards a real democracy which would have to be built together with the people, making full use of the opportunities opened up through the negotiations and that could not be gone back on.
But now practically the opposite is happening. Once peace was signed, our party the FMLN worked to transform itself into a political party which could participate legally in Salvadorean politics, since that is a requirement laid down in our constitution, in order to take part in elections. Over the past five years we have been making an effort to organise FMLN war veterans (both men and women) with the aim of continuing the struggle to change our country into a more just society with a place for everybody.
The FMLN is the best-organised and strongest left-wing force in the country. The National Committee of the War Veterans' Sector of the FMLN wish to help strengthen the party and join in the social organisation of our people, to prepare favourable conditions to win government in 2009. In order to organise the youth, our plan is to foster demand-based, economic, political and social struggle. We plan to create 12 departmental committees, one in each of the 12 departments of El Salvador (San Salvador, La Libertad, Santa Ana, Sonsonate, Cabañas, Cuscatlán, Chalatenango, San Vicente, Usulután, San Miguel, Morazán and La Unión). This work will directly mobilise 15,000 people -- FMLN war veterans and their families -- for the 2009 elections. As part of the larger effort by the Salvadorean people for the 2009 elections, we are asking our compatriots, our friends and supporters in Australia -- all who can recognise the flame of hope in Latin America today -- to give us financial support to achieve our objectives.
FMLN Community Support Group 2009. Convened by Mr Jose Amaya, fmln_sydney@yahoo.com.au Sponsored by Andrew Ferguson, secretary, NSW Construction and General Division, CFMEU; Mr Paul Lynch MLA; Peter Murphy 0418 312 301, pmurphy@search.org.au PO Box 602, Strawberry Hills NSW 2010. Donate to: FMLN Community Support Group Fund, 2009. BSB 032-072. Account Number: 10-2686
source:
http://links.org.au/node/537
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HEMISPHERIC SOCIAL ALLIANCE BULLETIN
Contents:
1. Colombian Chapter of the People's Permanent Tribunal
The people's permanent tribunal is an international non-governmental organization which is attempting to make permanent something which began in 1966 as the Russel Tribunals about Vietnam and in 1974 challenging the dictators in Latin America. This is a Tribunal which has the opinion that it is important to continually shed light on the impunity which some governments exercise and the resistance of the people against multiple and systematic violations of human rights which they are subject to, and which their countries are internally unable to contain.
The Tribunal which happened from July 21-23 in Bogota, Colombia, where 1500 delegates from Colombia and 70 international experts came together with other peoples of Latin America. This is part of a process which began in Colombia starting in 2005, with 17 national and international audiences, and 6 specialized audiences where more than 30 multinationals have been brought to trial. The central axes of the tribunals are: multinational companies, the theft of natural resources and the dirty war of the Colombian State with the view towards the expropriation and exploitation of natural resources.
The Tribunal condemned the Colombian State, the home offices of the multinationals, their branches in Colombia and those States who have the home offices of the transnational companies in their territories- for the serious and systematic violations of human rights against the people.
Read more (in Spanish):
- Sentencia TPP Sesión Colombia: www.observatoriocolombia.info/
- Día mundial contra las políticas de las multinacionales: http://www.colectivodeabogados.org/article.php3?id_article=1388
- TPP acusa de genocidio a Alvaro Uribe: www.minkandina.org (este vinculo no le veo importancia)
2. The WTO DOHA round
The Ministerial Declaration by the WTO, which happened in November of 2001 was behind what is now called the 'Doha Round'. After 7 years of intense pressure to have an agreement signed, it appears that the Doha agenda is condemned to failure. In the most recent negotiations, which happened on July 21 in Geneva, they were trying to save the international trade agreement. The civil society presence in Geneva helped to alert public opinion as to the deadly implications of the proposals for certain sectors, particularly for developing countries. Industrial countries pressured others to save the round no matter the cost: they conducted prior meetings to discuss strategies, in closed door sessions, with different countries separated out, with the purpose of diluting the 'development round'.
The challenges of the Round demonstrate how positions diametrically opposed impede a negotiation with symmetry. On one side, the industrialized countries with proposals which don't do anything to improve the level of inequalities, and on the other side, the developing countries increasingly more confined by the world economic policies, in detriment to their autonomy and development. At the center of the controversies, the themes of agriculture and services. The accent of the major world crises, food and climate change are completely missing from the agenda.
Read more:
- Trade: Failure of talks a serious setback, admits Lamy: http://www.twnside.org.sg/title2/wto.info/twninfo20080756.htm
- Trade: Schwab still blaming India and China at press briefing: http://www.twnside.org.sg/title2/wto.info/twninfo20080755.htm
- Alerta mundial por las negociaciones:http://www.rmalc.org.mx/index.shtml
- La OMC Ronda de Doha no va a solucionar la crisis alimentaria mundial:
http://www.movimientos.org/cloc/show_text.php3?key=12725 (este vinculo trae iformacion muy secundaria) ensayar owfins
3. The New Constitution project for Ecuador is presented
On Friday June 25th, in the city of Alfaro, Ecuador the new Constitution of Ecuador was presented. It will be submitted to a national referendum on September 28th. There were 94 votes in favor and 32 against it's approval. This closes another chapter in the process which began with a national consultation in April 2007 and has as its primary goal to improve on the neoliberal model which until now has operated in Ecuador.
The new constitution is a product of an inclusive consensus process, which began last November with a National Constituent Assembly made up of people from different sectors of society. The new Constitution recognizes diversity and incorporates two languages as official languages of the country:(Spanish and Quechua). It also expresses it's attempts to find fairness, justice and an eraticating of discriminations.
The Constitution promotes the way of being 'live well' (sumak kaway), the rights of nature, food sovereignty, the declaration of the State as plurinational and the recognition of the languages Quechua and Shuar as "official languages of inter cultural relations". It also recognizes rights of people, the determination of groups for priority attention, the right to water and to communication, among others, which are expressed in the Constitution and represent advances in the history of Ecuador.
Read More:
Asamblea Constituyente entrega nueva constitución: http://www.boliviasoberana.org/blog/_archives/2008/7/25/3810205.html
Nueva Constitución fue entregada por la Constituyente: www.asambleaconstituyente.gov.ec este vinculo no abre
Dos idiomas indígenas son declarados oficiales: http://www.ecuarunari.org/asamblea/no_20080724.html
4. The Recall Referendum in Bolivia
The recall referendum which will happen on August 10, passed by the Senate 80 days ago and approved by Evo Morales will hopefully mark the end of the political crisis which was provoked when State governors from the "Half Moon" provinces (in the eastern half of Bolivia) carried out autonomy referendums. This conflict between the central government, which the opposition considers illegitimate and the governors who are promoting autonomy projects are at the center of why this Recall Referendum is happening.
This initiative has been seriously questioned, as to its legality as well as political and social legitimacy. These debates have gone beyond the national foro, and the opposition has worked to divide supporters, and now is attempting to stop the referendum to the media, while their followers continue supporting the referendum. The publicity this has ignited, and the mobilization by both opposition and supporters has been widespread and promises to be an historic moment for Bolivia and the rest of Latin America.
Leer más:
- El referéndum: http://alainet.org/active/25382〈=es
- OEA descarta fraude: http://alainet.org/active/25361〈=es
- CUT Brasil, solidaria con gobierno Boliviano: http://www.cut.org.br/site/start.cut?infoid=19542&sid=6
5. Civil Society Declaration in defense of services at the WTO
In the framework of attempting to radicalize the liberalization of world trade in the mini-ministerial which happened in the recent Doha Round, the tensions resulted in no agreements being reached in the negotiations. Themes such as agriculture and services are the points of major controversy, where the industrialized countries offered proposals which were not only far from improving the inequalities which exist, they make them more profound.
Civil society organizations who have been observing the negotiations have expressed their concern because of the pressures by the industrialized countries to include as part of the discussions basic services, which are considered vital and have exhorted governments to guarantee these fundamental rights in the developing countries.
One hundred twenty five organizations have denounced that during this round the developing countries have been treated like spectators and convoke these countries to insist in the exclusion of basic services in these negotiations, because they are a threat to the dignity and rights of these countries to decide if they want to participate or not in the negotiations which involve the services sector.
Leer más
-Comunicados de avances en la OMC: www.twnside.org.sg
-Un Nuevo texto de Servicios llama a hacer obligatoria la liberalización en el Acuerdo General de Comercio de Servicios (GATS): http://www.rmalc.org.mx/index.shtml
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LEGISLATIVE UPDATE
1) Jubilee Act for Responsible Lending and Expanded Debt Cancellation of 2007 : S. 2166. To provide for greater responsibility in lending and expanded cancellation of debts owed to the United States and the international financial institutions by low-income countries, and for other purposes. On April 16, 2008, the Jubilee Act for Responsible Lending and Expanded Debt Cancellation passed the US House of Representatives by a bipartisan vote of 285 - 132. Currently it is in the Committee on Foreign Relations. Ordered to be reported with amendments favorably.
In Missouri and Illinois Senators Claire McCaskill, Richard Durbin and Barack Obama are a co-sponsors of the Jubilee Act. Senator Kit Bond is not. Time to help him understand how much you want him to vote for it.
Please take these simple steps to make your call today!
1. If you do not already know, find out who your Senators are by selecting your state from the drop down menu at www.senate.gov (upper right corner).
2. Call the Capitol switchboard at 202-224-3121.
3. Ask to be connected to one of your Senators' office. The receptionist will answer. Introduce yourself as (your name), a constituent from (city, state).
4. You will be connected with the staff person (or their voicemail). Say: "I am calling to urge Senator ________ to support the Jubilee Act (S. 2166), which was passed by the House and had a hearing in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Thursday, April 24. The Jubilee Act has bipartisan support and would expand debt cancellation for 24 additional impoverished countries, provided they meet criteria to ensure that the money is used for poverty reduction. Do you know Senator _________'s position on the Jubilee Act?" (You can stop there, or add an additional sentence about why this issue is important to you).
5. Be sure to thank the receptionist when you are finished.
6. Repeat the process with your other Senator!
7. Email Policy Fellow Danielle Pals at danielle @ jubileeusa.org with the results of your call. This will enable us to register your Senators' support/opposition and follow up with the offices if necessary.
Please let us know if you have any questions! Call us at 202-783-0214 or email Danielle@jubileeusa.org
**Want to do more?**
Write a letter to the editor to your local paper discussing the current global food crisis and the impact of debt cancellation on impoverished countries. Your LTE sends a message to your Senators that the Jubilee Act (S 2166) is a bill that's important to constituents in their districts and they should consider it seriously. You can send a letter in response to an article that appears in your newspaper, or link it to another related issue that is covered. Use the pre-written LTE or you can write your own.
Background Information:
Today, the world's most impoverished countries spend more than $100 million each day in debt payments to wealthy governments and financial institutions like the World Bank and IMF. In countries where the majority of the population lives on less than $1 per day, this money should be spent on clean water, basic health care, and education, not sent to the world's wealthiest financial institutions.
In 2000 and again in 2005 world leaders came together to cancel billions of dollars of debt in dozens of impoverished countries around the world. The money freed by debt cancellation so far has been used to fight global AIDS, enroll children in school, provide clean water, improve rural infrastructure and more. But there is still much more that needs to be done - dozens of impoverished countries around the world are still waiting for debt justice!
The most important and prophetic debt legislation in 7 years, the Jubilee Act will expand access to debt cancellation to all the countries that need it to fight extreme poverty. Without debt cancellation, it will be nearly impossible for many countries to achieve the UN Millennium Development Goals to cut extreme poverty in half by 2015.
The Jubilee Act also requires that debt cancellation be provided without harmful economic policy conditions attached, calls for the initiation of a responsible lending framework, and requires a debt audit in countries like South Africa and the Democratic Republic of Congo which have a heavy burden of odious debt.
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International Justice Day
July 18 is International Justice Day, commemorating the day ten years ago on which the international community adopted the groundbreaking treaty establishing the International Criminal Court -- and the day each year on which activists throughout their world call on their governments to help make the promise of that treaty a reality. This year's celebration couldn't come at a more important time in history.
On Monday, the ICC's Prosecutor requested a warrant for Sudanese President Omar Hassan Ahmad al Bashir, alleging that Bashir bears criminal responsibility for 10 counts of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Darfur. When the reports first surfaced last week indicating that this might happen, some of the initial commentary was negative, essentially blaming the Prosecutor in advance for any retaliation the Sudanese government might undertake in response. However, once the announcement was made on Monday, NGOs and others began to speak out, welcoming this groundbreaking decision, and exposing threats of retaliation by Sudanese officials for what they are: blackmail.
We have made much progress over the last ten years -- the ICC has opened formal investigations in four countries, thanks in part to referrals from three African countries who should be considered pioneers in the international justice system; a milestone referral (for Darfur) from the UN Security Council -- notable in part for the U.S. choosing not to oppose it; over 10 arrest warrants issued, and 4 suspects arrested as a result; and perhaps most importantly, a shift in perception and discourse. Ten years ago, many would have laughed at the suggestion that an international court might be able to have any real impact on the actions of an armed group or a sitting head of state, but today, the ICC's indictments of senior LRA leaders are credited with having forced them to the negotiating table, and virtually all news accounts indicate Bashir and other senior Sudanese officials are very concerned that the ICC's judges will issue an arrest warrant.
But this week has also shown us how much work remains to be done. Governments -- both individually and collectively through regional bodies and the United Nations -- need to exercise the political will to support enforcement of arrest warrants (should they be issued by the ICC's judges), and they need to send strong signals that they will not tolerate blackmail such as threats of more violence if investigations are not suspended. Think of how far we've come in ten years. We can accomplish even this if we're committed to doing so.
This International Justice Day, I encourage you to remember the very important role that you as an activist can play as a catalyst in your own community. If your local paper has included a story or an editorial about the request for an indictment against Bashir, write a letter to the editor (we can give you help with this). Or consider screening AIUSA's documentary film Justice Without Borders (it includes segments about Guatemala and Peru/Fujimori, the second story segment is about the ICC) and hold a post-screening discussion about recent events. www.amnesty.org/justice
Please get in touch with us at ija@aiusa.org or visit www.amnestyusa.org/ija for resources, advice, and/or any questions or ideas you may have.
Thank you so much for your activism. This week has demonstrated that we're helping to change the world.
Best wishes,
Vienna
Director, International Justice and Accountability ija@aiusa.org
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COLOMBIA: Release of Hostages -- Various Viewpoints
Public Statement from the Polo Democrático Alternativo (PDA) (Colombia's Principal Opposition Party)
Bogotá, Colombia. July 2, 2008
1. The freeing of Íngrid Betancourt, the three US citizens and 11 members of the Public Forces kidnapped by the FARC guerrillas is an event that all of Colombia and the international community must celebrate with utmost joy.
2. Such a transcendental event must bring the FARC, as well as other insurgent groups that remain in the country, to reflect on the futility of the armed struggle and the need to abandon this torturous path which has led them to commit universally repudiated crimes -- such as kidnapping -- and to consider democratic struggle as the only manner for constructing a more just society.
3. The success of this operation must NOT elicit the conclusions that military rescue is the only effective and safe method for liberating hostages, that it involves no risk for their lives and physical integrity, or that the possibility of a humanitarian accord can be dismissed as a means for alleviating the consequences of the ongoing armed conflict.
4. Countries of the international community that have played such an important role in advancing the prospect of a peace process for Colombia must not now give up on the immense number of remaining captives -- some well known and others nameless, but equally as important as those who have been freed -- lest they remain abandoned to misfortune.
5. While making known our satisfaction with the event that has just occurred, the Polo Democrático Alternativo reiterates that its criticisms of the government for its interference in the sovereignty of other states and the disarticulation of the social rule of law remain completely valid.
Carlos Gaviria Díaz
President, Polo Democrático Alternativo
---
Comunicado a la Opinión Pública
El Polo Democrático Alternativo manifiesta:
1. La puesta en libertad de Íngrid Betancur, de tres ciudadanos norteamericanos y de 11 miembros de las Fuerzas Armadas que se encontraban secuestrados por la guerrilla de las FARC, es un acontecimiento que todo Colombia y la Comunidad Internacional, tienen que celebrar con inmensa alegría.
2. Un suceso de tanta trascendencia tiene que llevar a las FARC y a los demás grupos insurgentes que aún quedan en el país, a reflexionar sobre la esterilidad de la lucha armada y la necesidad de abandonar ese camino tortuoso que les ha llevado a cometer crímenes –como el secuestro- universalmente repudiables, y a pensar que sólo la lucha democrática puede conducir a la construcción de una sociedad más justa.
3. El éxito de este operativo no puede llevar a la conclusión ligera de que el rescate militar es el método eficaz y seguro para liberar a los secuestrados, sin riesgo para su vida e integridad, y de que debe desecharse la posibilidad de un acuerdo humanitario como paliativo a las consecuencias del conflicto armado mientras éste subsista.
4. Los países de la Comunidad Internacional que han jugado un papel tan importante en la coadyuvancia de un proceso de paz, para Colombia, no pueden ahora cejar en su empeño de que un inmenso grupo de ciudadanos, innominados unos y conocidos otros, pero sin la relevancia de los liberados, queden abandonados a su propia suerte.
5. Al manifestar su inmensa complacencia por el suceso que acaba de darse, el Polo Democrático Alternativo reitera que sus enérgicas críticas al Gobierno por su injerencia en órbitas de otros poderes y el desdibujamiento del Estado social de derecho, mantienen toda su validez.
Carlos Gaviria Dìaz
Presidente, Polo Democrático Alternativo
Miércoles 2 de julio de 2008
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EL SALVADOR: Elections and Renewed Political Violence
U.S. Embassy Admits to Intervention in 2004 Salvadoran Presidential Elections;
Fact-finding delegation pledges to hold current Ambassador Glazer to Non-Interventionis Commitment for 2009
July 10, 2008
Contact: Burke Stansbury – 202 521 2510 ext. 205 or burke@cispes.org
During a recent heated meeting at the US Embassy in El Salvador, Ambassador Charles Glazer admitted to U.S. intervention in the 2004 Salvadoran Presidential Elections. The meeting on June 27 was requested by a group of 12 U.S. citizens, including professors, students, journalists and community activists who were taking part in a 10-day delegation organized by the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES).
In their meeting with the Ambassador, the group focused specifically on the history of U.S. political and military intervention in El Salvador. They cited statements made by US State Department officials denouncing. the leftist Farabundo Marti Liberation Front (FMLN) party during the 2004 presidential campaign. The delegates also referenced legislation put forward in Congress by Rep. Tom Tancredo (R-CO) that threatened to cut off remittances sent by Salvadorans in the U.S. to their families in El Salvador should the FMLN win. “The U.S. Embassy in El Salvador never countered this absurd threat or clarified the impossibility of such legislation being passed,” said Rosa Lozano, a delegate from Washington D.C. “Ultimately, such intervention helped turn a close race for the presidency into a decisive victory for the right-wing National Republican Alliance (ARENA) party.”
When asked directly if the U.S. government had intervened in the 2004 presidential elections on behalf of the ARENA party, Glazer replied in the affirmative. When asked if such intervention would occur again, he said “no”. “We believe that this is the first time that a representative of the Bush Administration has taken responsibility for the manipulative interference that took place during the 2004 presidential campaign,” said Burke Stansbury, Executive Director of CISPES and a participant in the meeting with the ambassador. “It’s really quite remarkable; CISPES and others have been crying foul since State Department intervention began in mid-2003 but the Embassy has always denied it played a role in President Saca’s victory,” continued Stansbury. “But admitting fault last time is not enough. We will continue to demand that no such intervention occurs, not in 2009 nor ever again.”
During the meeting, the Embassy labor attaché claimed that the possibility of fraud in the 2009 would be diminished because of the active monitoring of various international organizations and emphasized the role to be played by the International Republican Institute (IRI) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI), both subsections of the National Endowment of Democracy (NED). When challenged about the partisan nature of these quasi-non governmental organizations, as well as accusations that the IRI and NDI have played an interventionist role in other Latin American elections, the Embassy representative admitted that there was controversy and doubts surrounding the NED.
“In 2007, the IRI – headed by Republican presidential candidate John McCain – presented President Saca with its ‘Freedom Award’, showing its clear ideological preference in the polarized Salvadoran political process,” said Laura Embree-Lowry, a member of the Boston chapter of CISPES and a participant in the Embassy meeting. “We believe that the presence of partisan groups like the IRI and NDI will in fact be counterproductive to the goal of the Salvadoran people, which is to hold free and fair elections in 2009.”
The CISPES delegation also expressed concern about the aggressive conduct of Ambassador Glazer during their brief meeting. “Mr. Glazer arrived with the idea of attacking our delegation and rudely countering everything we put forward, to the point of being verbally abusive to at least two of the delegates,” said Andrew Kafel, a member of the delegation from New York. “Whether or not the Ambassador agrees with the concerns we laid out about potential U.S. intervention, he has a duty as a public official to hear us out in a respectful manner,” continued Kafel. “If this is how we as U.S. citizens are treated, we can only imagine how the Ambassador interacts with Salvadorans. We hope that in the future the State Department will better orient their representatives about how to respectfully dialogue with those holding a differing opinion.”
The group plans to issue an extensive report of the information gathered during the June CISPES fact-finding delegation, including an analysis of the current human rights situation, information about the potential of fraud and irregularities in the 2009 elections, and concerns about U.S. involvement in the process. The report will be release at the end of July. For more information go to www.cispes.org
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Barack Obama Addresses LULAC
Remarks of Senator Barack Obama –
Thank you, Mayor. And thank you for what you do every day as one of America's finest mayors. At heart, what Mayor Villaraigosa is doing today is the same thing he was doing as a fifteen year old when he volunteered to take part in a grape boycott led by Cesar Chavez – he's fighting to make this country more equal and just. And he is a shining example of what we can achieve when we build a government that reflects the diversity of the United States of America. That's something I want to talk about because I'm told that today's theme is "diversity in government." So I've been thinking about why that's important and about what it means to have a government that represents all Americans. It's not just about making sure that men and women of every race, religion, and background are represented at every level of government – though that's a critical part of it. It's not just about sending a message to our children that everyone can lead and everyone can serve – although that too is important. It's about making sure that we have a government that knows that a problem facing any American is a problem facing all Americans. It's about making sure our government knows that when there's a Hispanic girl stuck in a crumbling school who graduates without learning to read or doesn't graduate at all, that isn't just a Hispanic-American problem, that's an American problem.
When Hispanics lose their jobs faster than almost anybody else, or work jobs that pay less, and come with fewer benefits than almost anybody else, that isn't a Hispanic-American problem, that's an American problem. When 12 million people live in hiding in this country and hundreds of thousands of people cross our borders illegally each year; when companies hire undocumented workers instead of legal citizens to avoid paying overtime or to avoid a union; and a nursing mother is torn away from her baby by an immigration raid, that is a problem that all of us – black, white, and brown – must solve as one nation. A government that works for all Americans – that's the kind of government I'm talking about. And that's the kind of government I've been fighting to build throughout my over 20 years in public service. It's why I reached across the aisle in the Senate to fight for comprehensive immigration reform. It's why I brought Democrats and Republicans together in Illinois to put $100 million in tax cuts into the pockets of hardworking families, to expand health care to 150,000 children and parents, and to help end the outrage of Latinas making 57 cents for every dollar that many of their male coworkers make. It's why I worked with LULAC and MALDEF as a civil rights lawyer to register Latino voters and ensure that Hispanics had an equal voice in City Hall. And it's why I first moved to Chicago after college.
As some of you know, I turned down more lucrative jobs and went to work for a group of churches so I could help turn around neighborhoods that were devastated when the local steel plants closed. I knew that change in those communities would not come easy. But I also knew that it wouldn't come at all if we didn't bring people together. So I reached out to community leaders – black, brown, and white – and built a coalition on issues from failing schools to illegal dumping to unimmunized children. Together, we gave job training to the jobless, helped prevent students from dropping out of school, and taught people to stand up to their government when it wasn't standing up for them. It was one of the most meaningful experiences of my life – because it showed me that what holds this country together is that fundamental belief that we all have a stake in each other; that I am my brother's keeper; I am my sister's keeper; and in this country, we rise and fall together. It's an idea that's probably familiar to all of you because it's summed up by LULAC's founding creed – all for one and one for all. It's what led a group of immigrants who were tired of being sent to separate schools, and arrested for crimes they didn't commit and thrown in jail by juries they couldn't serve on, to come together and form this League nearly eighty years ago. It's what led you to take up the cause of a fallen soldier from South Texas who'd returned from fighting fascism in a casket, but was denied burial beside the men he fought with and bled with because of the color of his skin. You've helped ensure that no one who's worn the proud uniform of the United States of America is denied the rights and respect they deserve. It's what led a local LULAC council to forge a better future for children in Houston by launching a program that not only taught them English, and helped ensure they went on to graduate, but served as the basis for the Head Start program that's helped lift so many children out of poverty. It's what led you to make women equal partners in the battle for civil rights long before so many other organizations did the same. And it's what's driving you today in your communities to put opportunity, equality, and justice within reach for Latino families.
All for one and one for all. It's the idea that's at the heart of LULAC. It's the idea that's at the heart of America. And it's what this election is all about. It's about the future we can build together. It's about all the people who are paying a price because of our broken immigration system; all the communities that are taking immigration enforcement into their own hands; and all the neighborhoods that are seeing rising tensions as citizens are pit against new immigrants. They need us to put an end to the petty partisanship that passes for politics in Washington and enact comprehensive immigration reform once and for all.
Now, I know Senator McCain used to buck his party on immigration by fighting for comprehensive reform, and I admired him for it. But when he was running for his party's nomination, he abandoned his courageous stance, and said that he wouldn't even support his own legislation if it came up for a vote. Well, for eight long years, we've had a President who made all kinds of promises to Latinos on the campaign trail, but failed to live up to them in the White House, and we can't afford that anymore.
We need a President who isn't going to walk away from something as important as comprehensive reform when it becomes politically unpopular. That's the commitment I'm making to you. I marched with you in the streets of Chicago to meet our immigration challenge. I fought with you in the Senate for comprehensive immigration reform. And I will make it a top priority in my first year as President – not only because we have an obligation to secure our borders and get control of who comes in and out of our country. And not only because we have to crack down on employers who are abusing undocumented immigrants instead of hiring citizens. But because we have to finally bring undocumented immigrants out of the shadows. Yes, they broke the law. And they should have to pay a fine, and learn English, and go to the back of the line. That's how we'll put them on a pathway to citizenship. That's how we'll finally fix our broken immigration system and avoid creating a servant class in our midst.
It's time to reconcile our values and principles as a nation of immigrants and a nation of laws. That's what this election is all about. It's about the couple I met in North Las Vegas who saved up for decades, only to be tricked into buying a home they couldn't afford, and are now struggling to raise their four daughters; it's about all the Latino families who are the first ones hurt by an economic downturn and the last ones helped by an economic upturn. They can't afford another four years of the Bush economic policies that Senator McCain is offering – policies that give tax breaks to big corporations and the wealthiest Americans, while doing little for the struggling families who need help most. They need us to restore fairness to our economy by putting a tax cut into the pockets of workers and small business owners; by ending tax breaks for companies that ship jobs overseas and giving them to companies that create good jobs here at home; by solving the housing crisis, and giving relief to struggling homeowners, and investing in infrastructure to create new jobs in the construction industry that's been so hard hit.
That's what this election is about. It's about the one in three Latinas who don't have health care; and the small business owners who are doing everything they can to succeed but are struggling to stay afloat because of the rising cost of health care. They cannot afford another four years of the Bush health care policies that Senator McCain is offering – policies that won't solve our health care crisis, but will make you pay taxes on your health care for the first time ever. They need us to stand up to the big drug and insurance companies, guarantee health insurance for anyone who needs it, make it affordable for anyone who wants it, and cut costs for business and their workers by picking up the tab for some of the most expensive illnesses and conditions.
That's what this election is about. It's about the Latino students who are dropping out of school faster than nearly anybody else; the mother in L.A. who said she felt like the education system wasn't designed for people like her; and the children from West Chicago to the South Bronx who go to overflowing classes in underfunded schools taught by teachers who aren't getting the support they need. They cannot afford another four years of false promises and neglect. They need us to invest in early childhood education, stop leaving the money behind for No Child Left Behind, recruit an army of new teachers to your communities and make college affordable for anyone who wants to go – because that's how we'll give every American the skills to compete in our global economy.
And that's what this election is all about. It's about giving all Americans a fair shot at the American dream. That's what most Americans are looking for. It's not a lot. Americans don't need government to solve all their problems, and they don't want it to. They just want to know that if they put in the work that's required, they'll be able to build a better life not just for themselves, but for their children and grandchildren. It's the idea that in this country, the only limit to success is how big you're willing to dream and how hard you're willing to work.
And as my friend Henry Cisneros said to me the other day, nobody embodies this spirit more than the Latino community. I was reminded of this a few years ago when I attended a naturalization workshop at St. Pius Church in Pilsen. As I was walking down the aisle, I saw people clutching small American flags, waiting for their turn to be called up so they could begin the long process to become U.S. citizens. And at one point, a young girl, seven or eight, came up to me with her parents, and asked for my autograph. She said her name was Cristina, and that she was studying government in school. I told her parents that they should be very proud of her. And as I listened to Cristina translate my words into Spanish for them, it struck me that for all the noise and anger that so often clouds the discussion about immigration in this country, America has nothing to fear from our newcomers. They have come here for the same reason that families have always come here, for the same reason that my own father came here from Kenya so many years ago – in the hope that here, in America, you can make it if you try.
Ultimately, then, the danger to the American way of life is not that we will be overrun by those who do not look like us or do not yet speak our language. It will come if we fail to recognize the humanity of Cristina and her family – if we withhold from them the same opportunities we take for granted; or more broadly, if we stand idly by as our problems grow, as more and more Americans go without quality jobs, affordable health care, or the skills they need to get ahead in the 21st century. Because America can only prosper if all Americans prosper. It goes back to the idea that's at the heart of LULAC – that it's all for one and one for all. That's the idea we need to reclaim in this country. And that's the idea that we can reclaim in this election. But I can't do this on my own. I need your help. This election could well be decided by Latino voters. Every four years some of the closest contests take place in Florida, Colorado, Nevada, and New Mexico – states with large Latino communities.
In 2004, 40,000 Latinos who were registered to vote in New Mexico didn't turn out on Election Day, and Senator Kerry lost that state by less than 6,000 votes. 6,000 votes. That's a small fraction of the number of Latinos who aren't even registered to vote in New Mexico today. So while I know how powerful a community you are, I also know how powerful you could be on November 4th if you translate your numbers into votes.
During the immigration marches back in 2006, we had a saying: "Today, we march. Tomorrow, we vote." Well, that was the time to march. And now comes the time to vote. And I truly believe that if we can register more Latinos, young and old, rich and poor, and turn them out to vote in the fall – then not only will we change the political map, and not only will I win the presidency, but you will finally have a government that represents all Americans. And then you and I – together – will bring about the kind of change we've been marching for and fighting for, and lift up all your communities and every corner of the United States of America.
July 8, 2008 | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
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POSTVILLE, IA: Interpreting after the Largest ICE Raid in US History:
www.nytimes.com has carried stories and written editorials on this issue. Search Postville on this site and on youtube.com
Interpreting after the Largest ICE Raid in US History:
A Personal Account
Erik Camayd-Freixas, Ph.D.
Florida International University
June 13, 2008
Dear friends and colleagues,
Many of you have asked me for permission to post my essay on various relevant websites and blogs. I am writing to grant that permission and release the essay for immediate Internet posting. I just ask that you send me the link to the sites where you post it.
Please use the attached version of the essay, which I have revised with some important additional information.
I take this opportunity to thank you for your invaluable support and conscientiousness. Thanks to you, who have passed it along to your own friends and colleagues, in a matter of two weeks, the essay has circulated among interested parties throughout the country and has now made it to Congress.
The number of thank you messages I have received from people in all walks of life, including citizens of Postville, has been overwhelming. This week Julia Preston of the NY Times is running an exclusive story on it. (The editor approved today posting the essay on immigration related blogs and sites.) An editorial will follow in The Des Moines Register and possibly another one in the Times, plus a few other interviews and things. I'll send you the links once I get them.
Perhaps most importantly, I have been asked to testify before Congress later this month at the Immigration Sub-Committee of the House of Representatives. Perhaps something good will come out of these sad events.
Finally, my new friends from Postville involved in the relief effort inform
me that they are still dealing with a very tough humanitarian crisis. So, please, if you have any opportunity for fundraising, this is the address where donations can be sent:
St. Bridget's Hispanic Ministry Fund
c/o Sister Mary McCauley
PO Box 369
Postville, Iowa 52162
Again, my heartfelt thanks.
Erik
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