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General/doc.1/10 Assembly
July 29, 2010
Original: Spanish
REPORT OF THE HIGH-LEVEL COMMITTEE OF THE OAS ON THE SITUATION IN HONDURAS
In pursuance of resolution AG / RES. 2531 (XL-O/10)
REPORT OF THE COMMISSION ON HIGH LEVEL THE SITUATION IN HONDURAS ESTABLISHMENT AND ACTIVITIES
1 .- On June 8, 2010, the General Assembly of the Organization of American States (OAS) adopted a Resolution on the Situation in Honduras [AG / Res. 2531 (XL-O/10)], through which he determined: a) The formation of a high-level commission whose members are appointed by the Secretary General to analyze the situation referred to in resolution AG / RES. 1 (XXXVII-E/09) and b) The High Level Commission shall, not later than July 30, 2010, its recommendations to the General Assembly. [See Annex 1]
2 .- In pursuance of the decision by the General Assembly on 17 June, the Secretary General appointed a High Level Commission composed of representatives of two South American countries, two of Central America, one of CARICOM and two North American . With the later addition of three other countries and an open invitation to other Central American countries, the Commission was composed of the OAS Permanent Representatives of the following countries: Argentina, Bahamas, Belize, Canada, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, United States, Guatemala, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Peru and Dominican Republic.
3 .- At the time, the Commission made the that are described below:
3.1. Heard the representative of the Government of Honduras, Mr. Arturo Corrales, Minister of Planning, on 18 and 23 June, receiving the documentation is entered in the detailed annexes in the text this report.
3.2. Reviewed the legal opinion that gave the President of the Inter-American Juridical Committee, Mr. Guillermo Fernandez de Soto "personal capacity" and Secretary of Legal Affairs of the OAS, Mr. Jean Michel Arrighi, who traveled to Honduras from 25 to June 26 to gather information on site-with the relevant authorities - on the legal status of former President José Manuel Zelaya Rosales in the country.
3.3. Received the report of the Secretary General and Secretary for Political Affairs, Mr. Victor Rico on the meeting with former President Zelaya and his representatives, Mr. Jorge Arturo Reina and Mr. Rodolfo Pastor, in Santo Domingo on 1 and 2 July and the meeting with the President of Honduras, Mr. Porfirio Lobo Sosa, in Miami on July 5 as part of the work of the Commission.
3.4. He was the representative of former President Zelaya, Rodolfo Pastor, on July 7.
3.5-obtained the opinion of the President of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), Mr. Felipe González and the Executive Secretary of the IACHR, Mr. Santiago Canton, as well as the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression, Ms. Catherine Botero, 16 July on the actions that the Government of Honduras should be undertaken to improve the situation in this crucial aspect. [See Annex 2]
3.6. Mr. Rodolfo Pastor sent on 12 July this Committee a document signed on behalf of former President Zelaya. [See Annex 3].
3.7. He was the representative of the Government of Honduras, Mr. Arturo Corrales, who gave the Commission more complete history of all court cases involving former President Zelaya. The release of this information was held on 13 July. [See Annex 4]
3.8. On 15 July, the Secretary General met with President of the Republic of Ecuador and President Pro Tempore of the UNASUR, Mr. Rafael Correa, to discuss the work of the High Level Commission. On 16 July the Secretary-General reported this to the Commission. At the meeting the Secretary General with President Rafael Correa, he raised his strong opposition to a possible return of Honduras to the OAS while staying a situation of impunity for the perpetrators of the coup, especially in regard to abuses human rights, noting that a solution that does not contemplate this point or at least a clear procedure to deal with it would not be acceptable to his government. The Permanent Mission of the Republic of Ecuador to the OAS subsequently handed a note. [See Annex 5]
3.9. On 21 July, the Secretary-General reported to the Commission for assistance, at the invitation of President of El Salvador, Mr. Mauricio Funes, the Special Summit of SICA held in San Salvador on 20 July. The Summit was attended by Heads of State and Government of Guatemala, El Salvador, Costa Rica and Panama, and the Deputy Prime Minister of Belize and the Dominican Republic Vice President. During the Summit, the Secretary made a presentation on the work undertaken by the High Commission. On the occasion of this meeting, the leaders signed a Special Declaration on Honduras that includes a request that "the states of the Organization of American States in the framework of the High Level Commission of the OAS, to expedite and resolve earliest possible return of Honduras within the OAS, while reiterating the call to the authorities of Honduras for the purpose of ensuring the full enjoyment of fundamental rights to all its citizens. "[See Annex 6].
3.10. The Commission received on 22 July the Human Rights Minister assisting the Government of Honduras, Mrs. Ana Pineda and the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights Attorney General of Honduras, Ms. Sandra Ponce, who reported extensively on their work and on current human rights situation in Honduras. They deliver two documents, including a summary of general information about allegations of human rights violations that the Public Ministry received after the coup and a report on the status of specific cases of violations of freedom of expression and human rights and corruption that took place during the de facto regime. [See Annex 7]
BACKGROUND
1 .- June 28, 2009 occurred a coup against the constitutional Government of Honduras and arbitrary detention and deportation of the Constitutional President José Manuel Zelaya Rosales was an unconstitutional alteration of the democratic order.
2 .- On June 28, 2009, the OAS Permanent Council adopted a resolution (CP / RES. 953) to condemn the coup and called for a special session of the General Assembly. On 30 June, the General Assembly adopted a resolution (AG / RES. 1 (XXXVII-E/09), invoking Article 20 of the Inter-American Democratic Charter, condemning the coup and instruct the Secretary General, "along representatives of several countries, make diplomatic efforts aimed at restoring democracy and the rule of law, and the return of President Zelaya. "On July 4, the Secretary Insulza told the General Assembly on the consultations carried out in Honduras. In Accordingly and in compliance with Article 21 of the Inter-American Democratic Charter, the General Assembly adopted a resolution (AG / RES. 2 (XXXVII-E/09) to "suspend to Honduras from exercising their right of participation in the OAS" and "instruct the Secretary General, along with representatives from several countries duly appointed, to intensify all diplomatic and other initiatives to promote the restoration of President Zelaya."
3 .- The November 29, 2009 general elections were held in Honduras. According to official data from the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, participation reached 50% and the winner was the National Party's presidential candidate, Porfirio Lobo, with 53% of the vote, the Liberal Party candidate, Elvin Santos, was 35%. In Congress, composed of 128 deputies, the National Party won 71 seats (55 in the previous legislature) lie that the Liberal Party took 45 (62 in the previous legislature). The other 13 members are divided among the three minority parties: Innovation and Unity Party (3) Democratic Unification Party (4) and Christian Democrats (5).
4.President Lobo took office on January 27, 2010 and immediately passed the amnesty covering political and common crimes related to those involved in the events of June 28, 2009. At the same ceremony announced the formation of a government of national unity and reconciliation with the participation of three former presidential candidates from five political parties registered in the country legally, who participated in the general election in November 2009 and figures for sectors not had supported his candidacy for the Presidency or who had rejected the coup. No representatives of former President Zelaya, since they refused to attend, but part of the cabinet before a person linked to the resistance, Mr. Cesar Ham, president of the Democratic Unification Party, the current Minister Director of the National Agrarian Institute.
5 .- At the same time the Board of the National Congress was formed with the participation of opposition MPs in positions of Vice, including a representative of the Democratic Unification Party, National Front member of the Popular Resistance.
6 .- The same day, January 27 President Lobo gave a pass to former President Zelaya so he could leave the Embassy of Brazil, where he was from the September 21, 2009, and in the company of President Leonel Fernandez, accompanied him to airport where he boarded a plane that flew him to the Dominican Republic.
7 .- June 30, 2010, judges of first instance void left Tegucigalpa trials they considered covered by the amnesty decree.
8 .- The Commission of Truth and Reconciliation was formally installed on May 4, chaired by former Vice President of Guatemala, Eduardo Stein and including the former Minister of Justice of Peru and former Permanent Representative of Peru to the OAS, Ambassador María Zavala, the Canadian Ambassador Michael Kergin, the Rector of the Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Honduras, Ms. Julieta Castellanos and former Rector of the University, Mr. Jorge Omar Casco, all persons of national and international prestige and proven track record [see Annex 8]. The Commission's objective is to clarify what happened before and after June 28, 2009, in order to identify actions that led to a crisis situation and provide recommendations to prevent a recurrence of this situation in the future.
9 .- In relation to information supplied by representatives of the Government of Honduras in the field of human rights, particularly by the Minister Advisor on Human Rights and the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights of the Public Ministry, highlighted the cases of violations freedom of expression, as the closure of newspapers that opposed the coup d'etat (eg, Radio Progreso and Channel 36). [See Annex 9]. As regards corruption cases during the de facto regime, highlighting the case of irregular approval of the concession contract of the Hydroelectric José Cecilio del Valle to the Utility Nacaome, of Italian origin. This case came to light in February this year and prompted the current Congress to create a Special Commission to review the concession, which was approved by the previous Congress. [See Annex 10]
10 .- Notwithstanding the above, both the former President, as the National Resistance Liberal Party and sectors related to it are not considered participants in the current government, openly denounce their actions and even its legitimacy. [See Annex 11] In addition to this, some sectors still maintain that repression against the opposition, especially the resistance and the violation of human rights. They also question the appointment of members of the de facto regime and military officials of the current administration.
ANALYSIS
1 .- The Commission considered, first, the statements issued by countries before and during the session of the OAS General Assembly, determining address four key issues.
1.1-Conditions to make possible a return to former President Zelaya of Honduras and members of his government;
1.2 .- Incorporation of former President Zelaya Central American Parliament (PARLACEN), in his capacity as former Constitutional President of Honduras;
1.3 .- Situation of human rights in Honduras;
1.4-inclusive political dialogue to overcome the crisis of democracy in Honduras.
2 .- The Secretary General went to the Secretary for Political Affairs of the OAS, Mr. Victor Rico, to Santo Domingo in January and July 2 to hear the views of former President Zelaya on the matters outlined in the previous section. To this end, the Secretary-General suggested the former President Zelaya to join him and the two people who would be their representatives to the Commission, Mr. Jorge Arturo Reina and Rodolfo Pastor.
As a result of the meeting produced a bill with the points that former President Zelaya and his representatives wanted to see reflected in any resolution of the crisis: overcoming the present situation of former President Zelaya reaffirmation of the commitment of the State of Honduras to the promotion and protection of human rights mechanisms proposed to strengthen the fight against organized crime and impunity, the extension of the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation; call by President Wolf broad dialogue and the establishment of a Commission OAS to monitor the situation in Honduras. [See Annex 12]
3 .- On 5 July, the Secretary General met with President Porfirio Lobo for their reaction to the matters set forth in the minutes. At that meeting, the Chairman Wolf stated the following views:
3.1 Location of former President Zelaya.
i. Trials. The Chairman Wolf presented the course, according to his information, were bringing the proceedings against former President Zelaya, most of which would be in the process of being dismissed under the amnesty. He referred, however, those lawsuits would not be possible to implement this law, under which dismissal involving allegations involve a violation of Article 17 of the Inter-American Convention against Corruption, which is in force in Honduras.
ii .- Central American Parliament (PARLACEN). He agreed with the incorporation of former President Zelaya to that body, saying, however, this was not an issue that depended on him, but was the former President who had to apply for membership to PARLACEN Board to credit the appropriate agency. The latter information was confirmed on July 12 the Secretary General by the President of PARLACEN, Deputy Nicaraguan Jacinto Suarez.
iii .- safety device for former President Zelaya. Lobo President reaffirmed his commitment to provide security to former President Zelaya, by the State of Honduras, as the former President of the Republic.
3.2 Human Rights. The President reiterated his commitment to protecting and promoting human rights and agreed to implement the recommendations of the IACHR. He recalled that for this purpose appointed a Minister for Human Rights Advisory and extended an open invitation to the Inter-American System for Protection of Human Rights. It also welcomed the request for action to strengthen the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights of the Public Ministry and the Office of the Minister for Human Rights Advisor. He noted that in response to a request for cooperation to Spain, a Spanish judge would visit Honduras for the purpose of collaborating with the design of a comprehensive human rights policy. The visit of a Spanish judge took shape a few days later. [See Annex 13].
3.3 Dialogue. The President expressed his willingness to resume dialogue on both political issues and on public safety issues, seeking the support of the OAS in this regard.
3.4 Commission of Truth and Reconciliation. The Chairman expressed his reluctance to reopen the decree on the Commission on Truth and Reconciliation given the situation of the country and also noted that the Commission was autonomous in its decisions and that any changes that might alter its composition should be from herself.
3.5 Support of the OAS. The President agreed to create an accompanying mechanism, noting even his willingness to apply.
4 .- With respect to trials in which the former President Zelaya is accused, the Committee was informed that Congress issued an amnesty decree on January 27, 2010 [see Annex 14]. The Commission was informed that the Public Ministry, through the Attorney-General's Office issued a statement on June 29, 2010 in which it reported the file of records covered by the amnesty decree and recognizes the right of judges to apply this decree in cases brought to its attention. [See Annex 15]. For its part, the judges of first instance void left Tegucigalpa these trials on June 30, 2010. There are still open trials in two cases in which former President Zelaya is accused, referring to the alleged misuse of resources from the Honduran Social Investment Fund (FHIS). [See Annex 4]
5 .- According to the information provided, there are two processes related to funds transfers made in 2008 for advertising expenses of the Presidency of the Republic, which began just days after the coup against former President, his Ministers the Presidency and Finance and other officials. In these processes the amnesty applied only in part, on the grounds that they include acts of alleged corruption, which would be incompatible with the accession of Honduras to the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption (Article 17).
6.-During the meeting held on 7 July, the Commission discussed with Mr. Rodolfo Pastor about the possibility of appointing a legal representative, the representative of President Zelaya rejected that possibility, because it would mean recognizing the legitimacy of courts of justice have been perpetrators of the coup. This view was later confirmed by former President himself, in telephone conversations with the Secretary-General, stating that it is willing to "get in the hands of their executioners" and recalling that these processes were opened in the days after the coup, just to legitimize that action. According to former President Zelaya, the Prosecutor and the judges who issued the resolutions are the ones who should be revoked.
7.-Following alternatives were considered, including the possibility that, through an attorney appointed by former President Zelaya or by a public defender (whose designation was not challenged by former President Zelaya), was seeking invalidation of these processes, or to consider a moratorium on such cases, or any trial related to events after June 28th until the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation Commission delivered its report.
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
According to the above, the Commission proposes the following points as a basis for the General Assembly to adopt the resolutions it deems pertinent concerning the status of Honduras:
1 .- The Commission considers it appropriate to end lawsuits over the de facto regime against former President Zelaya and his associates, under the laws of Honduras. In reaching this recommendation, the Commission considered that although the two processes that are pending against former President Zelaya correspond to events with much prior to the coup, these processes and actions of the Prosecutor's Office were recently formalized after former President Zelaya was overthrown by his duties as president of the country, while allegations made against such as treason, abuse of authority and others, in the midst of negative political climate that followed the coup state. It is clear that the time when trials are living a situation of constitutional breakdown which can not be ignored. Therefore, these allegations are perceived as politically motivated.
2 .- The Commission emphasizes the readiness of President Porfirio Lobo to give the former President Zelaya protection they are entitled to the former Presidents of the Republic in Honduras and recommends that it be implemented once the former President Zelaya return home.
3 .- It is recommended that former President Zelaya request the Board of PARLACEN joining the agency. The Commission considers that the incorporation of former President Zelaya recognize its character as Constitutional President of the Republic of Honduras prior to President Porfirio Lobo.
4 .- The Commission considers that the cooperation extended by the Government of Honduras for the IACHR's visit last May, the communications sent by the President Lobo the Secretary General on this matter, the subsequent action informed by the Minister Advisory Human Rights and the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights and the presence of an external consultant to investigate crimes against journalists and human rights defenders among others, are positive steps. At the same time, the Commission recognizes the need for concrete action to comply with recommendations of the IACHR, in particular the following:
a) The steady progress in the investigations to clarify the murder of several people, including journalists and defenders of human rights.
b) The adoption of measures to put an end to threats and harassment against human rights defenders, journalists, social communicators, teachers and members of the People's National Front, the judges who participated in activities against the coup and effectively implement enforcement mechanisms ordered interim measures to protect the lives and safety of many people who are at risk. The Commission received a communication from the Human Rights Advisory Minister advising that the Ministry of Security has created the Human Rights Unit to support the work of the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights.
c) Provide the Interinstitutional Commission on Human Rights in Honduras appropriate staff and resources in order to respond efficiently to the defense of human rights of Hondurans and precautionary measures by the IACHR. The Commission has seen the letter from the Minister for Human Rights Adviser in which reports on the decision taken by his Government for the creation of a Ministry of Justice and Human Rights.
d) An end to impunity for human rights violations, including those verified by the IACHR and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights of the UN. The Commission met for the establishment of the Research Unit for Human Rights Violations in the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights to support research in this area.
e) Effective support to the work of the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights and the Office of the Minister Advisor on Human Rights. The Commission appreciates the work done both institutions, despite the precarious financial and human resources. Considers that this work can have a significant impact on the validity of human rights, if they allocate the resources necessary to perform an effective job of monitoring, protection and transformation of the state towards a culture of promoting and protecting human rights. The Commission met with satisfaction the proposals of the Honduran Government to allocate resources to these bodies and supported its early implementation. Also met requests for cooperation made to the governments of Colombia and the United States to investigate human rights violations.
5 .- The Commission considers that the work of the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation should have the full support and collaboration of all sectors of Honduran society to determine what happened on June 28, 2009. The Committee notes with satisfaction the readiness of the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation Commission to examine the issues of human rights violations in the context of the coup.
6 .- The Committee notes the willingness of President Wolf to convene a national dialogue among all political sectors in which to discuss issues of interest to all parties, with the aim of achieving reconciliation in society Honduras. For this it is necessary to avoid any impediment or hostility towards them, especially to opponents of the current government, whose security and protection must be guaranteed by the authority.
July .- The Commission presents this report to the General Assembly for consideration for it, in accordance with the Charter of the OAS and the Inter-American Democratic Charter, to adopt the decisions it considers appropriate in relation to the situation in Honduras.
ANNEXES
Annex 1. General Assembly Resolution Lima
Annex 2 - Report of the IACHR's visit to Honduras in May and release in June 2010
Annex 3 - Report of former President Zelaya on the situation in Honduras
Annex 4 - Status of trial
Appendix 5 - Note Verbale from the Permanent Mission of Ecuador to the OAS
Annex 6 - Honduras Special Declaration on the leaders who attended the Extraordinary Summit of SICA held in San Salvador on July 20, 2010
Annex 7 - Letter from Human Rights Minister assisting the Government of Honduras
Annex 8 - Ordinance establishing the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation Commission and its members' biographical profiles
Annex 9 - Overview provided by the Human Rights Minister assisting the Government of Honduras and the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights in Honduras prosecutors on cases of human rights violations during the de facto regime.
Annex 10-Information provided by the present Government of Honduras on specific cases of violations of human rights, freedom of expression and corruption during the de facto regime.
Annex 11 - Statement by the National Resistance Front and the Liberal People in Resistance
Annex 12 - Minutes of Santo Domingo
Annex 13 - Letters from President Wolf on the actions of his administration
Annex 14 - Amnesty Decree
Annex 15-Statement by prosecutor
Annex 1 - Resolution of the OAS General Assembly
AG / RES. 2531 (XL-O/10)
RESOLUTION ON THE SITUATION IN HONDURAS
(Adopted at the fourth plenary session held on June 8, 2010)
GENERAL ASSEMBLY
WHEREAS:
That the situation in Honduras is of interest to all member countries;
It is necessary that member countries have more information about the current state of the Honduran political process,
RESOLVED:
1. Form a high-level commission whose members are appointed by the Secretary General to analyze the developments referred to the resolution AG/RES.1 (XXXVII-E/09).
2. The High Level Commission shall, not later than July 30, 2010, its recommendations to the General Assembly.
Annex 2 - Press the IACHR
PRESS RELEASE
No. 59/10
IACHR PUBLIC COMMENTS ON FOLLOW-UP VISIT TO HONDURAS
Washington, DC, June 7, 2010 - The Inter-American Human Rights Commission today released its Preliminary Observations on the visit to Honduras from 15 to May 18, 2010, in order to monitor the site visit completed in August 2009 and the Report Honduras: Human Rights coup.
During the visit in May 2010, the Commission found continuing violations of human rights in the context of the coup. The IACHR received information on the murder of several people, including journalists and defenders of human rights. Likewise, advocates and human rights defenders, journalists, social communicators, teachers, trade unionists and members of the Resistance are subjected to threats and harassment.
The IACHR considers that the complaints received could respond to the same pattern of violence arising in the context of the coup. The killings, threats and harassment do not have the necessary research to clarify whether or not related to the context of the coup.
In this regard, the Commission noted that continued impunity for human rights violations, both verified in the report of the IACHR and the Report of March 3, 2010 of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights UN human. The Committee was informed that only one person is deprived of liberty for human rights violations, while 12 others have been charged but the processes do not advance, among other things, the lack of investigation of state bodies, in particular the security forces responsible for conducting investigations.
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Mexico renews diplomatic ties with Honduras (Newkerala)
www.newkerala.com/news2/fullnews-11645.html
Mexico City, Aug 1 : The Mexican government has said that its ambassador to Tegucigalpa will return to Honduras next week, as it wants to renew diplomatic ties with the Central American nation.
Chile to return ambassador to Honduras, recognize new government a year after coup (The CW Washington, WDCW-TV)
www.dc50tv.com/news/nationworld/sns-ap-lt-chile-honduras-coup,0,3703897.story
Chile is formally recognizing the government of Honduran President Porfirio Lobo a year after a coup ousted his predecessor.
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Rights Action
HONDURAS: US Can't Pressure OAS to Re-Admit Post-Coup Honduran Regime
July 30, 2010
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HONDURAS: The US Can't Get the OAS to Recognize Honduras
"... the OAS is reflecting the power struggle between South America and the indivisible US-Canada block."
BELOW: An article, by Annie Bird, about the political struggle inside the OAS concerning the re-admission of the post-military coup regime in Honduras. The chance of democracy and rule of law in Honduras, and across the Americas, hang in the balance.
HOW TO SUPPORT Honduras's amazing anti-coup, pro-democracy and pro-refounding the State and society movement: see below
QUESTIONS, COMMENTS, MORE INFORMATION: Annie Bird, annie@rightsaction.org, www.rightsaction.org
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SERIAL COUPS RELATED TO HONDURAS, BUT ...
THE UNITED STATES STILL CAN'T GET THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES TO RECOGNIZE HONDURAS
By Annie Bird, Rights Action co-director, annie@rightsaction.org, www.rightsaction.org
The OAS, SICA, UNASUR, WB, IDB... the acronyms are dizzying, but one thing is clear, if the US can't force its agenda through international bodies by legal means, then breaking the rules - violating democracy and the rule of law - does not seem to be a problem for the US and its allies.
The problem for the US is that many nations in Latin America will no longer accept coups. Honduras' resistance is setting an extremely important precedent.
JULY 30 OAS MEETING ON HONDURAS CANCELED
During the June 6-8, 2010 annual meeting of the Organization of American States (OAS), the US voiced strong support for lifting the suspension of Honduras from the OAS, put into effect following the June 28, 2009 oligarchic-military coup.
Unable to get the issue on the agenda at that meeting, the US backed an initiative to have the OAS General Secretary Jose Insulza author a report on Honduras and submit it on July 30 to the Permanent Council. Since his re-election as Secretary General early this year, Insulza's actions on Honduras have become very closely aligned to that of the US.
It was expected that in a July 30 meeting the OAS would decide whether or not to lift Honduras' suspension. However, the negotiations and lobbying Insulza undertook under the guise of compiling a report did not result in agreements between the coup government and the ousted president Zelaya, and did not generate enough support to lift Honduras' suspension. So, the July 30 meeting has been canceled.
Though OAS articles and decision making procedures could allow the suspension to be lifted with 2/3 of the member nations voting in favor, the OAS has a strong history of operating by consensus. Even the controversial June 2009 resolution to lift the suspension of Cuba was done by a unanimous decision of OAS members.
However, Honduran press reports claimed that the reintegration of Honduras would be done through a majority voting process, breaking with longstanding, essentially common law, tradition. Though Insulza assured Zelaya representatives that any decision on Honduras would be done by consensus, conflicting reports in Honduran press caused concern.
WARNING: COUPS ARE HABIT FORMING - ONE COUP LEADS TO ANOTHER, AND ANOTHER, ...
Had a vote been forced in the OAS, it would essentially have been a quasi coup against a longstanding principal in international law, but recent actions in other multilateral bodies lead one to fear it may have been in the works.
In the days after the June 28, 2009 coup, the OAS suspended Honduras, as did the System for Central American Integration, SICA. The World Bank, WB, and Inter American Development, IDB, put a "hold" on funding disbursements and signing of new loans, though apparently some funds were quietly released. The United Nations passed a resolution calling on member nations to not recognize Honduras.
Following the still not internationally recognized coup government sponsored elections in November 2009, the WB and IDB formally reestablished normal funding of Honduras in July, although the mandate of the IDB specifically stipulates funding is for members of the OAS.
The IDB's violation of its own charter is, in its way, a coup.
Though Central American nations are clearly subject to tremendous US pressure, SICA resisted readmitting Honduras. SICA's bylaws stipulate that such decisions must be made in unanimity. Since Nicaragua steadfastly refused to recognize the Lobo government, SICA could not readmit Honduras during the June 29, 2010 regular meetings.
El Salvadoran president Sergio Funes then convoked an extraordinary session for July 20, 2010 to specifically address readmission of Honduras. Insulza was present during the SICA meeting, readmission to SICA was seen as a prerequisite to readmission to the OAS.
Though Nicaragua did not attend the meeting, the remaining SICA presidents issued the decision to readmit Honduras, a violation of SICA's mandate, and yet another coup.
WHY WAS THE JULY 30 MEETING CANCELED?
There are many possible reasons for canceling the July 30 OAS meeting. The commission headed by Insulza may have determined that conditions simply do not exist to readmit Honduras. OAS member nations that favored readmission may not ever have been willing to force a vote, breaking with the consensus tradition.
Even if forcing a vote had been considered, the possibility of losing the vote may have been too strong to make such a dramatic break with tradition politically viable. Twelve votes were needed to block readmission, even with just a few of the many wavering nations voting against lifting the suspension along with the nine countries firmly opposed, the vote would have been lost.
Strong voices were heard in the OAS missions in the days leading up to the proposed meeting. Letters rejecting readmission of Honduras were sent by Honduran and international human rights organizations to Permanent Council missions, and the FMLN political party prohibited President Mauricio Funes from voting to lift the suspension.
Another possibility is that initially a block of nations may have intended to force a vote, breaking with tradition, but such an action following the polarization that happened after Colombia called an emergency meeting to accuse Venezuela of providing refuge to the FARC and resulting in an emergency session of the Union of South American Nations, UNASUR in Ecuador could have placed in danger the OAS as an institution.
THE OAS NO LONGER A PUPPET SHOW?
Over the fifty-one years of OAS existence, its halls, between the Mall and the White House, have welcomed uncountable representatives of military governments in their many forms. It seems the only criteria for participation were agreement with US interests; the only member ever previously suspended had been Cuba.
Dominance by the US in the OAS plays out not by its voting power. In contrast to the WB and the IDB, where voting power is determined by how much money each member state contributes, the OAS gives one vote to each member state, no matter how large or small.
US sway in the OAS is a reflection of how much the US can directly influence the policies of OAS members. So as South American nations have voted in progressive governments which have stood up to the US economic agenda, the OAS is reflecting the power struggle between South America and the indivisible US-Canada block.
Many of the countries expected to side with the US over readmission of Honduras are small Caribbean nations with populations under a million people, or Central American nations still undermined by ongoing and historical massive violence.
The coup in Honduras is driving a wedge between North and South America, especially when coupled with other deep divides, such as the formal accusations by Colombia that Venezuela is providing safe haven for the FARC.
As these very real and even violent divisions are being played out in diplomatic forums like the traditionally US dominated OAS, the newly formed UNASUR and SICA, it seems as though the Americas are moving into a new chapter in history.
Will the US maintain (or regain) political, military and economic dominance in the region? What means is the US willing to employ to do that, and what will it cost us, Americans in the broad use of the word, in lives, atrocities and enforced poverty?
If the US government is going to support a return to the military governments and terror that devastated Latin America form the 1960s to 1980s (and continues in Colombia) it becomes ever more urgent to take a cold hard look at what the National Security Doctrine did to Latin America.
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WHAT TO DO
FUNDS ARE NEEDED: Since the coup, June 28, 2009, Rights Action has sent over $100,000 to community based Honduran organizations doing a range of work: poverty eradication and community development education and organizing; human rights defense and promotion; media (radio, publications and internet); human rights accompaniment; reporting; emergency support for victims or repression and human rights violations; transportation; communication (phone, internet); camera work (film and still); travel to forums and negotiations; etc.
TAX DEDUCTIBLE DONATIONS
To support the Honduras pro-community development, pro-democracy, anti-military coup movement, make check payable to "Rights Action" and mail to:
UNITED STATES: Box 50887, Washington DC, 20091-0887
CANADA: 552 - 351 Queen St. E, Toronto ON, M5A0in8
CREDIT-CARD DONATIONS: http://rightsaction.org/contributions.htm
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Insulza lobbies the OAS and SICA to readmit Honduras
(www.resistenciahonduras.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=674:insulza-lobbies-the-oas-and-sica-to-readmit-honduras-&catid=101:news&Itemid=349)
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Statement by the National Popular Resistance Front to the OAS
The OAS (Organization of American States) will meet for its General Assembly on Friday, the 30th of July, as mandated by the Resolution agreed upon during its last Assembly in Lima, Peru, to address the Honduran crisis and decide whether conditions in the country allow for it to be readmitted to the Organization, from which it was expelled the 4th of July, 2009 as a result of the 28th of June coup that same year.
Through the Lima Resolution the member states instruct the Secretary General, Jose Miguel Insulza, to create a Special High- Level Commission in charge of visiting Honduras to diagnose if human rights, rule of law, and democratic-constitutional order have been fully reestablished by the Lobo Administration. The Commission will then inform the General Assembly about their findings and the General Assembly will make a decision whether to deny, postpone or allow readmission of the expelled member state. If the findings reveal that the conditions have improved, then the Assembly will probably decide to readmit Honduras, if they are not met, the readmission will be postponed until they are.
Conditions have clearly not improved in Honduras, where repression, persecution and systematic human rights abuses against Resistance leaders, popular movement leaders, journalists, judges, human rights activists, independent media, or anyone critical of the coup, have been documented by several independent and international human rights organizations and the OAS Inter American Human Rights Commission has made it clear through its many reports. During Lobo´s administration, more than 10 journalists have been assassinated, as have many more members of the Resistance.
But the OAS Secretary General has turned a blind eye to this reality and has been pushing, with the help of the U.S. and regional allies, for a rushed readmission of Honduras. Furthermore the Lima Resolution has been ignored and the Special High Level Commission has not visited Honduras, where its findings would obviously discourage any prompt readmission.
Furthermore, during the 20th of July, 2010 SICA Presidential Summit in San Salvador, the Presidents of Central America, with the exception of President Ortega of Nicaragua, readmitted Honduras to the sub-regional organization (against its own rules, which specify the decision must be unanimous) and cynically praised Mr. Lobo’s success in restoring democracy, the rule of law and safeguarding human rights, even if repression, violence and human rights abuses are still being documented.
Confronted by this imminent and false imposition, that would greatly damage our struggle by whitewashing the coup and strengthening the coup-monger´s regime and impunity, The National Popular Resistance Front demands:
1) That the Lima Resolution’s mandate be fully met by Secretary General Insulza, by organizing an exploratory visit of the Special High Level Commission to Honduras that should then report its findings to the General Assembly before any further decision on Honduras is made.
2) That the OAS takes the National Popular Resistance Front and its position into account before readmitting Honduras.
3) That the OAS acknowledges the ongoing human rights abuses and systematic repression and persecution that our people are subjected to in Honduras, as reports of IAHC, UN and several other human rights organizations have documented.
4) That the OAS helps to dismantle the coup-monger’s total control of Honduran institutions and acknowledges that Honduras is still controlled by the same people who organized and held the coup.
5) That the OAS acknowledge that the Supreme Court, the Attorney General, the Ombudsman and the majority of the judicial and executive branches of government are still controlled by the coup-mongers and should be fully reformed.
6) That the OAS ensures that Ex President Zelaya, who has been appointed as Coordinator of the FNRP and is still in exile may return safely and with full rights.
7) That the OAS ensures that persecution against the Resistance members, judges critical of the coup and the former members of Ex President Zelaya’s cabinet stops immediately.
8) That the OAS acknowledges that Mr. Lobo has himself declared that a coup took place on the 28th of June, 2009 and thus the only way to reestablish constitutional democracy in Honduras is through a National Constitutional Assembly.
9) That the OAS supports the return of democracy and safeguards human rights in Honduras, fighting the current state of impunity and absence of justice and holding the coup-mongers accountable for their crimes against our people.
The National Popular Resistance Front thus affirms:
A) That we do not recognize Mr. Lobo as our President, the campaign and election process through which he was elected are not valid or legitimate since they were organized by the de facto regime and under their repression and censorship, that they were thus not free or fair, there were no legitimate international observers (OAS, UN, EU) and a majority of the population abstained.
B) That we demand the creation of a National Constitutional Assembly to return our country to constitutional-democratic order.
C) That we do not recognize Mr. Lobo’s unilateral appointment of a Truth Commission and we only recognize the True Commission organized by the Human Rights Platform.
D) That there is no reconciliation or unity government and that the military is in full control of strategic posts as are the coup-mongers.
E) That Mr. Lobo’s representative to the OAS negotiations is the same person who represented the de Facto dictator Roberto Michelleti, Mr. Arturo Corrales.
F) We denounce and condemn the manipulation of information that has been pressuring for a prompt readmission of Honduras without conditions being met.
G) That we are being persecuted and repressed by the Lobo regime.
Dear CRLN Members & Friends,
In 1957, a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past ten years we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of U.S. military advisors in Venezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our investment accounts for the counter-revolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala.
…It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said, "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken: the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments.
I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values…A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa, and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say: "This is not just.” It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of South America and say: "This is not just."
…A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.
- Martin Luther King, Beyond Vietnam, April 4, 1967
These two analysis below, the best I have seen on the anniversary of the illegal coup in Honduras, remind us that Dr. King’s message is as vital today as it was 45 years ago, particularly with relation to Colombia and Honduras. Below are the most helpful critical reviews of U.S. policy in Honduras I have come across. I hope you will read them with the urgency that they deserve. By the way, Bill Quigley, a law professor at Tulane University and co-author of the piece below, has long been the lead lawyer for SOA Watch “prisoners of conscience” who are arrested at Ft. Benning, GA, when they cross into the military compound where the School of the Americas (SOA), renamed WHINSEC, to bring public witness to the thousands of civilians murdered and tortured by SOA/WHINSEC graduates. The Chicago delegation report of our visit to Honduras with La Voz de los de Abajo from June 27-July 4, 2010, can be found at http://hondurasresists.blogspot.com/ .
Gary L. Cozette, Program Director
Chicago Religious Leadership Network on Latin America (CRLN)
Web: www.crln.org
TruthOut
One Year Later: Honduras Resistance Strong Despite US-Supported Coup
by: Laura Raymond and Bill Quigley, t r u t h o u t | Op-Ed
Monday, 28 June 2010
One year ago, on June 28, 2009, Honduran President Manuel Zelaya was awakened by gunfire. A coup was carried out by U.S.-trained military officers, including graduates of the infamous U.S. Army School of the Americas (WHINSEC) in Georgia. President Zelaya was illegally taken to Costa Rica.
Democracy in Honduras ended as a de facto government of the rich and powerful seized control. A sham election backed by the U.S. confirmed the leadership of the coup powers. The U.S. and powerful lobbyists continue to roam the hemisphere trying to convince other Latin American countries to normalize relations with the coup government.
The media has ignored the revival of U.S. hard power in the Americas and the widespread resistance that challenges it.
A pro-democracy movement, the Frente Nacional de Resistencia Popular (FNRP) formed in the coup's aftermath. Despite horrendous repression, it has organized the anger and passion of a multitude of mass-based popular movements - landless workers, farmers, women, LGBTQ folks, unions, youth and others - and spread a palpable energy of possibility and hope throughout the country.
These forces of democracy have been subjected to police killings, arbitrary detentions, beatings, rape and other sexual abuse of women and girls, torture and harassment of journalists, judges and activists. Prominent LGBTQ activists, labor organizers, campesinos and youth working with the resistance have been assassinated. Leaders have been driven into exile.
Four judges, including the president of Honduran Judges for Democracy, were fired in May 2010 for criticizing the illegality of the coup. Two of them went on a widely-supported hunger strike in the nation's capital. Judges who participated in public demonstrations in favor of the de facto government remain in power.
In 2010 alone, seven journalists have been murdered. Many others have been threatened. Reporters Without Borders calls Honduras the most dangerous country in the world for journalists.
Why was there a coup? Honduras was planning to hold a June 28 poll on whether or not a referendum for forming a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution should be on the November ballot. Many among the poor correctly view the current constitution as favoring corporations and wealthy landowners. As a result of the constitutional preference for the rich and powerful, Honduras has one of the largest wealth gaps between the rich and poor in Latin America.
Washington and the Honduran elite were also angered that President Zelaya signed an agreement to join the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA). ALBA is a regional trade agreement that provides an alternative to the free trade agreements such as CAFTA that have been pushed by Washington, yet are opposed by many popular movements through the Americas.
Zelaya's proposal to transform Soto Cano Air Base, historically important to the U.S. military, into a much-needed civilian airport was unpopular in Washington, as was his lack of support for the privatization of the telecommunications industry.
Forces in the U.S. provided critical support for the coup. As members of the resistance have explained, coups do not happen in Latin America without the support of those with power in the U.S. Right-wing ideologues and shell NGOs based out of Washington played a critical role in the coup, before and since. A leadership vacuum in the Obama administration regarding Honduras has led to extreme right-wing ideologues directing U.S. policy there. These people are hell-bent on stopping the growing populist movements throughout Latin America from gaining more influence and power. Some, such as Otto Reich and Roger Noriega, have moved from positions in the State Department and United Nations into private lobbying firms or conservative think tanks. Others, such as Robert Carmona-Borjas, who was granted asylum in the U.S. after his involvement in the attempted coup against Hugo Chavez, are working for so-called NGOs that use vague missions such as "anti-corruption" to mask the foreign policy work they do.
In the past year, the business elite in Honduras have spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on Washington-based lobbying and PR firms to get the U.S. Democratic and Republican parties in line. For example, the Asociación Hondureña de Maquiladoras (Honduran Association of Maquiladoras) hired the Cormac Group to lobby the U.S. government regarding "foreign relations" just days after the coup. Close Clinton confidant Lanny Davis lobbied for the coup powers in DC. A delegation of Republican Senators travelled to Honduras in the fall to support the coup government, and organized for wider Congressional support upon their return.
Despite initially condemning the coup, the Obama administration has completely shifted its position. It provided critical, life-giving approval to the widely denounced elections that were boycotted by much of the Honduran population. The military that was killing people in the streets was also guarding the ballot boxes. Major candidates such as Carlos H. Reyes, now a leader of the resistance, refused to run. The Carter Center, the United Nations, and other respected election observers refused to observe. The FNRP called on people to stay home.
The Organization of American States suspended Honduras and has continued to resist efforts of Secretary of State Clinton to pressure them into readmitting Honduras. However, the U.S. pushed for and was able to secure the formation of a high-level OAS panel to "study" the re-entry of Honduras at its recent meeting in Peru. We may well start to see the international community beginning to normalize relations with this illegitimate government.
As it stands now, the coup government of Honduras' biggest ally is the United States.
A year after the coup, U.S. activists and pro-democracy supporters need to increase their knowledge about what is going on with our neighbors in Honduras and stand in solidarity with the resistance. For democracy to mean anything, it has to mean that plans for a national referendum to rewrite a Constitution to better serve a nation's people should not be met with a U.S.-supported military coup.
Once again the U.S. is on the wrong side in Latin America.
Once again, the U.S. government is undermining democracy and actively supporting a government that is murdering its own people.
Once again, the U.S. has sided with anti-democracy forces and is trying to bully the world into rubber-stamp approval of our mistakes.
Moving forward from this unfortunate anniversary, one thing is certain - the people's movement in Honduras is only growing. The resistance has gone ahead with organizing for a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Today, there will be massive demonstrations throughout Honduras. We must stand with this dramatic and powerful social movement and challenge our own government to support the forces of democracy, not destroy them.
Laura Raymond and Bill Quigley both work on global human rights at the Center for Constitutional Rights.
Contact Laura Raymond at laura.raymond@yahoo.com Contact Bill Quigley at quigley77@gmail.com
The Guardian / UK
One year on, Honduras rift persists
It is time for the US to stand with its Latin American neighbors and stop fighting to legitimize a repressive regime
Mark Weisbrot
Wednesday 30 June 2010 18.30 BST
At dawn, on 28 June 2009, soldiers invaded the home of the Honduran president, Mel Zelaya, and flew him to Costa Rica. It was a frightening throwback to the days when military men, backed by a local oligarchy and often the United States, could overturn the results of democratic elections.
It would also turn out to be a pivotal moment for relations between the United States and Latin America – especially South America, where a new generation of left-of-centre governments in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Venezuela were all hoping for a new relationship with Washington following Barack Obama's election. The new American president, a former community organizer, had come to Trinidad just a few months earlier and shook hands with President Chávez of Venezuela, and actually listened to his southern neighbors. He was more like us, they thought – former trade unionists, two women, an indigenous leader, a progressive Catholic bishop, political outsiders for the most part.
But it was not to be. The first signal came when, on the day of the coup, the White House did not condemn it, merely calling on "all social and political actors" to respect democracy. The White House later joined other countries in condemning the coup, but there was a noticeable difference: while the OAS, the UN, and other international organizations called for the "immediate and unconditional" reinstatement of President Zelaya, no US official would ever utter those words over the next five months.
Nor would US officials join human rights organizations from throughout the hemisphere and the world in condemning the violence and repression of the Honduran dictatorship. Its security forces raided and shut down independent radio and TV stations, and beat and arrested thousands of peaceful demonstrators. There were reports of torture and some opposition activists were killed in circumstances that implicated the government. Since this took place during the official campaign period for the fall elections, it made free elections impossible. The Obama administration's silence was deafening.
President Zelaya traveled to Washington six times during his exile, but President Obama refused to meet with him. Meanwhile, Washington blocked the Organization of American States from taking stronger actions against the Honduran dictatorship.
The US then supported elections under the dictatorship. The OAS and European Union refused to send observers. The vast majority of the hemisphere, including Brazil, Argentina, and Chile, were vehemently opposed to the elections. The Rio Group, which includes all of Latin America, signed a statement saying Zelaya's immediate restitution to the presidency was "indispensable" to the recognition of elections. Even the rightwing governments of Panama and Colombia, and Peru – Washington's closest allies in the region – felt obliged to sign on to the statement.
This created a rift that remains today: US secretary of state Hillary Clinton has recently been campaigning for recognition of the Honduran government, but has so far found few takers. In South America, it is only Peru and Colombia that recognize the Lobo government – the official position of UNASUR is still non-recognition.
When Spain invited Pepe Lobo to Madrid for the EU-Latin America and Caribbean Summit in May, Ecuador, representing UNASUUR as chair at that time, protested; so did other countries including Brazil, Argentina, and Venezuela. Lobo was forced to cancel his visit.
Washington's campaign to legitimize the government that was elected under a dictatorship accelerated with the inauguration of Lobo in January. A few days after the inauguration Hillary Clinton announced that the Honduran "crisis" had been "managed to a successful conclusion" and this "was done without violence". Two days later Clinton announced that the US was restoring all assistance to Honduras despite a letter sent to her the day before by Democratic members of Congress asking her to "send a strong unambiguous message that the human rights situation in Honduras will be a critical component of upcoming decisions regarding the further normalizations of relations, as well as the resumption of financial assistance".
The repression in Honduras has continued and perhaps worsened since the November election, with dozens of opposition activists and nine journalists murdered. On 24 June, 27 members of the US Congress, including some of the Democratic leadership, wrote a letter to US secretary of state, Hillary Clinton: "Members of social movements who oppose or criticize the government have been victims of violence and subject to ongoing intimidation ... Violations of human rights and democratic order persist in Honduras on [President Lobo's] watch."
There is impunity for those who carried out the coup and the repression, and the government has established a "Truth Commission" that appears set to sweep all these crimes under the rug. The general who headed the armed forces during the coup was put in charge of the state telecommunications company. He then stated that he would use his new position for intelligence gathering.
Presidents like Lula da Silva of Brazil, and Michele Bachelet – who was president of Chile when South America had to fight with Washington over Honduras – take the threat of military coups seriously. They both did prison time under military dictatorships. Most of the hemisphere feels the same way. It's about time that the United States join them, and support the rights of Hondurans who are fighting for democracy, instead of fighting to legitimize a repressive regime.
Mark Weisbrot is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, D.C.
Mark Weisbrot is also the co-writer of the new Oliver Stone film "South of the Border" which opens in Chicago tomorrow, July 09, 2010, at the Icon Theater, 250 W. Roosevelt. This lively documentary covers the rise of new grassroots popular democracies in Latin America, and the U.S. response to them. Mark will be present to join in a post screening discussion at the 7:30 pm show. Buy a ticket and call Gary Cozette to join him for that screening. Buy a ticket for Tuesday, July 13, 7:30 pm show to join CRLN's CNSC coordinator Jenny Daleor the final screening.
One of the ways CRLN serves its members is by sending regular email updates, covering a wide range of topics, including legislative updates, human rights alerts and invitations to educational events. If you would prefer to no longer receive these emails from CRLN, please follow this link or cut and paste it into your browser:http://crmmail.crln.org/index.php?q=civicrm/mailing/optout&reset=1&jid=270&qid=29334&h=7b41913480807480
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Retorno de Honduras a OEA debe ser por mayoría: Insulza
Políticas 23 Julio, 2010
TEGUCIGALPA.- El retorno de Honduras al seno de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) debe ser por mayoría de votos, es el cabildeo que realiza el secretario general del organismo, José Miguel Insulza, se divulgo hoy oficialmente.
Rodolfo Pastor Fasquelle, ex ministro de Cultura y delegado por el ex presidente Manuel Zelaya para negociar en Washington su retorno “sin trabas” a Honduras, informo este viernes vía correo electrónico parte de lo que ha hecho en las negociaciones.
Insulza “ha viajado por América Latina cabildeando el retorno a Honduras por mayoría de votos''.
Pastor explica que durante el 5 y 8 de este mes se reunió con la alta Comisión de la OEA, integrada por cancilleres para analizar el caso Honduras y que debe rendir un informe a la asamblea antes que esta decida el 30 de este mes el retorno o no de este país centroamericano a ese organismo hemisférico.
A la par, también asistió a Washington el delegado por el gobierno de Honduras, el ministro de Cooperación Internacional, Arturo Corrales.
“Las conversaciones con Insulza fueron para concertar el cese de la persecución”, contra el ex presidente Zelaya y sus principales colaboradores, precisa el informe de su negociador Pastor Fasquelle.
Pastor Fasquelle, asegura que “desde entonces el secretario general, José Miguel Insulza ha viajado por América Latina cabildeando el retorno a Honduras por mayoría de votos”.
“Desestimando a quienes se opusieran”, precisa Pastor, al referirse a los países como Ecuador y los aliados del presidente de Venezuela, Hugo Chávez en la Alternativa Bolivariana de las Américas (ALBA).
El próximo 30 de julio la asamblea de la OEA definirá el reingreso de Honduras posiblemente por mayoría de votos y solo los países bolivarianos, entre ellos Nicaragua en Centroamérica que es miembro del ALBA y estrecho seguidor de Chávez. Ya que incluso Chile, se ha pronunciado por el retorno de Honduras a la OEA.
En la Cumbre del Sistema de Integración de Centroamérica (SICA) que se realizó esta semana en San Salvador, el presidente Mauricio Fúnez propicio la reincorporación de Porfirio Lobo Sosa a ese organismo regional.
A pocos días de la decisión de la OEA, todo indica que Honduras tiene posibilidades de ser reincorporada a ese organismo y por otra parte que Zelaya por el momento seguirá viviendo como “huésped distinguido” en Republica Dominicana. Con información de Notimex
Reintegro a OEA será después de Asamblea del 30 de julio
Políticas 23 Julio, 2010
TEGUCIGALPA.- El canciller Mario Canahuati, descartó que en la Asamblea Extraordinaria de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA), a celebrarse el próximo 30 de julio, en Washington, Estados Unidos, se vaya a producir el reintegro de Honduras, ya que ese día se presentará el informe y el proceso llevará unas semanas más.
El canciller Mario Canahuati estimó que luego que la Comisión de Alto Nivel presente el informe en la Asamblea del 30 de julio próximo, en Washington, Estados Unidos, será cuestión de tiempo para que se produzca el reintegro de Honduras a la OEA.
En la agenda de la OEA se conocerá el tema de Honduras, pero sólo a nivel del reporte que presentará y leerá la Comisión de Alto Nivel de ese organismo que se nombró en Lima, Perú, para estudiar el retorno del país a ese organismo continental.
“El informe de la Comisión -explicó- se entregará a los embajadores de la OEA y éstos lo remitirán a los cancilleres de sus respectivos países, quienes a la vez, en un término de dos ó tres semanas darán una respuesta”.
“Hay que recordar que los embajadores de la OEA son representantes de los gobiernos y por eso mismo en esa reunión extraordinaria del 30 de julio que se está manejando a nivel de embajadores, se va presentar la documentación para que, posteriormente, se pueda compartir con los gobiernos respectivos y ahí poder tomar la decisión final”, detalló.
“Y la Comisión de Alto Nivel de la OEA -señaló- tenía como responsabilidad redactar el documento después de conseguir la información respectiva para poder presentarla a los diferentes países y establecer una Asamblea Extraordinaria de cancilleres”.
ACORTANDO TIEMPO
“Así que lo que se está haciendo, es acortando el tiempo, en el sentido de que se está haciendo una reunión extraordinaria de embajadores de la OEA, de forma que una vez presentado el documento se traslade a lo que son los cancilleres, como representantes de los diferentes gobiernos, estableciendo una fecha para poder retornar con la respuesta”, precisó.
“Pero yo quiero compartir con ustedes (periodistas) por lo menos un sentimiento de satisfacción al esfuerzo que se ha hecho y de optimismo y yo considero que al final y de acuerdo a las conversaciones que hemos tenido con los diferentes cancilleres y de acuerdo al esbozo que ha dado el secretario de la OEA, José Migue Insulza, al final vamos a poder compartir buenas noticias; posible y simplemente va ser cuestión de tiempo”, destacó.
“Así que el 30 de julio va a ser la Asamblea donde se va presentar el documento de la Comisión de Alto Nivel y se va a compartir la información con los gobiernos respectivos a través de sus cancilleres y, posteriormente, se va a recibir la respuesta sobre la reincorporación o no de Honduras a la OEA”, relacionó.
VENEZUELA-COLOMBIA
Respecto a la ruptura de Venezuela con Colombia, indicó que es “un problema de mucha tensión, pero espero que ambos países logren restablecer las relaciones diplomáticas, pues de alguna manera afectan la parte económica y la relación en los pueblos”.
“Además, no espero que el conflicto tenga incidencia sobre el reintegro de nuestro país, pues se está trabajando con los países que hasta el momento quieren trabajar con nosotros y con los que aún disienten”, puntualizó.
Juez confirma la aplicación de amnistía para Zelaya
Políticas 23 Julio, 2010
TEGUCIGALPA.- El togado José Humberto Palacios, quien antes de irse de vacaciones firmó la extinción de la responsabilidad penal por amnistía a favor de Manuel Zelaya y de sus ex funcionarios, habló en exclusiva para LA TRIBUNA, donde expone sus puntos de vista.
-¿En qué fecha pidió el permiso de tres meses para ausentarse del juzgado?
José Humberto Palacios
El permiso lo tengo desde antes del último día en que nos fuimos de vacaciones (las vacaciones del Poder Judicial iniciaron el 5 al 20 de junio).
-¿Está hablando del jueves primero de julio?
Sí exactamente.
-¿Quién pidió que resolviera esta extinción de la pena?
Bueno, la coordinación del juzgado o sea Emily Page, nos reunió con el abogado Claudio Aguilar, ya que la abogada Elvira estaba incapacitada porque tubo un problema en el pie, entonces a mí me dijo la coordinadora que yo podía resolver en este caso en una amnistía de oficio, entonces yo le dije que podía resolver únicamente por el delito expresamente dictado en el decreto de la amnistía, este caso solo era el abuso de autoridad, que en ningún momento me iba a referir a los delitos comunes y conexos, entonces se hizo.
Aparentemente hay un testimonio, yo no tenía conocimiento que había una apelación sobre este caso de los 30 millones que se pagaron en publicidad con los fondos del Fondo Hondureño de Inversión Social (FHIS), bueno la abogada Emily consideró reponer ese auto, y dejarlo sin valor y efecto la abogada Elvira.
-¿No vio como algo irregular que usted ya para irse con permiso se haya prestado a esta situación?
No… porque…bueno, no pero… el decreto dice que cualquier juez puede resolver de oficio, pero como fue un llamado de la coordinación para que resolviéramos de oficio, el juicio no era mío, pero como la juez Elvira se encontraba incapacitada lo hice.
-¿Exactamente la motivación qué dice?
Pues no tengo el documento en la mano, pero en base a los antecedentes y el mismo establece la potestad del juzgado y la resolución es abierta y yo firme la extinción de la pena sobre el abuso de autoridad.
-¿Lo que si queda claro que se suspenden las órdenes de captura?
Esto es únicamente en relación al delito de abuso de autoridad.
-¿Entiendo que al principio usted tenía en su poder un expediente contra “Mel” y sus ex funcionarios de los famosos 40 millones?
El expediente fue entregado a la coordinación y se lo entregaron a Claudio Aguilar y luego a la juez Alejandra Ochoa.
-¿Todos resolvieron conforme a la amnistía?
Entiendo que el abogado Claudio Aguilar resolvió así.
-¿A usted se lo pidieron como favor desde la coordinación?
No como favor, sino que como juez el juzgado estaba trabajando ese día y que la abogada encargada del expediente no estaba.
-Insisto abogado, ¿Por qué lo buscan a usted si ya estaba aprobado su permiso de tres meses?
No tengo ni la menor idea, solo sé que en ese momento yo estaba trabajando como juez y me llamaron y me dijeron, usted puede resolver en este caso, claro dije como cualquier otro, revisé el caso y me pareció correcta la resolución.
-¿Cómo podemos interpretar esta situación si en su momento la coordinadora Emily Page quería que enviaran a prisión a estos ex funcionarios y ahora pide que le apliquen la amnistía?
Bueno lo que pasa que el decreto de amnistía establece que el mismo se puede aplicar por petición de parte o de oficio, entiendo yo que ningún juez había resuelto en este caso y se hizo conforme al decreto de amnistía solo por abuso de autoridad.
Rodolfo Pastor de Maria y Campos
